About the Research Unit
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) and the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNF) have approved funding of appr. 6 million € for a new Research Unit on „Reconfiguring Europe. Between competence and control“. The project is led by Markus Jachtenfuchs and coordinated at the Jacques Delors Centre. The team consists of lawyers and political scientists. For the next four years, 9 projects and a coordination project will analyse the evolution and interplay of competence and control in the EU.
Research agenda
After a decade of EU crises and crisis-induced change, it is time to reassess the reconfiguration of the EU in a broader perspective. This is the goal of the Research Unit. It argues that the EU is torn between building the competence to solve transnational policy problems and realize economies of scale and creating controls of these competencies. This leads to a dilemma: uncontrolled competencies are dangerous, overcontrolled competencies are useless. The Research Unit starts from the assumption that the reconfiguration of the EU is shaped to a major degree by how it deals with this dilemma. It aims to understand which tradeoffs exist between competence and control and how they develop across sectors and governance tasks over time (description), to explain the emergence, development and change of these tradeoffs (explanation) and to assess what these tradeoffs mean for the reconfiguration of the EU as a whole (consequences). It does so in three ways.
First, instead of using a one-dimensional measure of more or less integration, it uses a two-dimensional conceptualization consisting of different combinations of competence and control. These combinations are issue-specific and change over time. Whether or not they add up to a dominant mode or to a variety of patterns is subject to empirical analysis and theoretical explanation. This two-dimensional concept allows to distinguish between more integration in terms of more competence and in terms of more control.
Second, it combines political science and law in order to improve our understanding of European integration. Political science theories of integration and legal theories of European constitutionalism address similar issues but from complementary points of view and remain largely apart. Competence-control theory provides a common vocabulary and framework for integrating legal and political science perspectives in the analysis of the reconfiguration of the EU. This allows for the creation of a larger interdisciplinary group for the analysis of European integration which has the potential for strongly resonating in the international debate on the EU.
Third, it conceives of integration as a process of polity formation and reconfiguration. This allows us to contribute to recent conceptualizations from a system-building perspective without committing to grand empirical and normative visions about the EU becoming a (federal) state or the desirability thereof. It rather asks how the EU creates and maintains itself as a polity. The group brings together the broad knowledge of issue areas, institutional settings, instruments, theories, and debates required for analyzing the reconfiguration the EU with the help of an interdisciplinary competence-control perspective.
Our Projects
The core purpose of this research project is to consider whether and how EU law is affected by control claims emerging from national politics. The main element of national control the project focuses on is the political rise of populist political parties and their engagement with European law principles and mechanisms. Mark Dawson defines populists as political groups which carry three features: a unitary conception of the people, a preference for direct over representative democracy; and enduring distrust of independent institutions. Given the increasing prominence of such parties in European politics, understanding their attitudes and influence on EU law is an important scholarly objective.
More concretely, the project asks:
- To what extent do populist groups engage with important doctrines of EU law, and through which mechanisms do they do so?
- How does engagement vary depending on whether such movements sit in opposition or in government (and hence participate in EU political structures)?
- How do the EU Courts institutionally respond to national political control claims, particularly through adjusting or re-enforcing key EU law doctrines/principles?
By analysing both the challenge of populist control claims, and how these claims relate to the evolution of EU jurisprudence, the project will seek to improve the research group’s understanding of ‘reconfiguration’ in relation to a core element of the contemporary EU, namely its legal and constitutional order. While the EU legal order has often been seen as a crucial ingredient in improving the EU’s competence and enforcement capacities, the project will focus on whether (nor not) populist involvement in EU law is likely to contribute to a growing logic of control emerging from the national level, limiting EU law’s ambition and scope.
This project posits that one important way of the EU’s reconfiguration is the conflict between national and EU courts. According to a well-established narrative, the Court of Justice empowered national courts by making judicial review central to the enforcement of EU law. From the competence and control perspective, the Court of Justice (as the governor) granted to national courts (as intermediaries) the competence to enforce EU law, controlled through the preliminary reference procedure. National courts are perfect intermediaries based on their expertise, legitimacy, and operational capacity. Nonetheless, this setup carried great risks. Member States are characterised by great diversity, and while some national courts took up the role of the intermediary, others contested that setup and sought to regain control.
These dynamics loom large in criminal law. An area with a high path-dependency, it is characterised by diverse traditions of procedural and substantive criminal law. In a borderless market, however, the EU extended the logic of mutual recognition to states’ acts of coercion, which raised new issues for fundamental rights protection. Faced with such immense changes, ordinary national courts are extensively submitting preliminary references in this area, with courts from Member States who joined the EU in 2004 onwards being particularly active.9 While the literature deals extensively with EU criminal law, it remains highly specialised and does not focus on the effects of criminal law regulation on the nature of the polity as such. Likewise, diverse national criminal law systems have not been methodically studied. Criminal law is thus a particularly salient area for studying under-researched judicial power dynamics: it is of great relevance to the EU as a whole but deeply embedded in national constitutional traditions.
In short, this project asks: In criminal law, how do ordinary national courts contest and transform supranational judicial control in the EU? Its academic contribution is to map competence-control trade-offs in judicial contestation by the diverse and under-researched world of ordinary national courts. First, the project will seek to show that competence-control trade-offs in the judicial realm materialise through claims of control by the Court of Justice (to say what EU law is), and the contestation, by national courts, of their competence of enforcement. Second, the project will demonstrate the empirical variety of those conflicts in criminal law; the effect that the constitutional and criminal law backgrounds of national courts have on the response of the Court of Justice; and the resulting trade-offs between competence and control. The reconfiguration of vertical power-sharing shaped by constitutional variety of national courts has not been studied before. It is expected that courts with different backgrounds will exhibit diverse claims to control and accordingly produce varied outcomes at the EU level.
When will EU member states centralize public procurement at the EU level? Public procurement refers to purchases of governance resources by governments and other public bodies. The scope of public procurement is large covering a broad range of goods and services from fuels and IT equipment to large-scale infrastructures and weapon systems. While usually considered the province of national governments, the recent string of crises has drawn attention to the desirability, or indeed the need, of pooling public purchases at the EU level, to safeguard, for instance, a sufficient supply of Covid vaccines or energy resources for all. Yet, joint procurement is not a new idea. As even a cursory look at the historical record reveals, joint purchases have been since the 1950s. However, the institutions, procedures, and performance of joint procurement have differed widely ranging from outright rejection (e.g. joint energy purchases in the 1970s) to mostly symbolical provisions (e.g. the Euratom Supply Agency), failed attempts (joint procurement of artillery shells 2023) to fairly effective arrangements (vaccine procurement during the Covid pandemic).
The project analyses the creation, configuration, and use of instruments of joint procurement in the EU. It traces the emergence (and phasing out) of EU procurement instruments empirically over time (1957-2022) and across sectors. It accounts for variance in the creation, configuration, and use of procurement instruments theoretically based on the competence-control framework. It combines observational and experimental, and quantitative and qualitative approaches perspective analytically in a mixed-methods design.
The goals of the project are to provide a theoretical account and a comprehensive empirical analysis of the mobilization of financial resources by the EU and the controls attached to them and an analysis of the significance of these competence-control tradeoffs effects for EU polity formation.
The project aims to provide a theoretical account of the structure of EU finances (the regular budget and extra-budgetary funds) in terms of financial resources and their control and the factors driving this structure and its changes over time. More specifically, it asks which competence-control tradeoffs shape the finances of the EU, what causes these tradeoffs and how they evolve. By analyzing finances, the project will look at a dimension of polity-building that state-oriented theories have found to be of high importance and conceptualize the link between the integration of financial resources, their control and the development of the EU. The explanation of the evolution and outcome of competence-control tradeoffs will be based on the interaction between the demand and supply of competence and control from specific actors.
Empirically, the project aims to provide a systematic description of the EU’s finances and their controls since the 1950s. The goal is to be as comprehensive as possible and cover all financial resources available to the EU, permanent or time-limited, within the regular budget or outside of it and the statutory, constitutional, judicial, and political controls attached to them. The comprehensive empirical approach makes it possible to look at the differences in the competence-control tradeoffs in the various schemes in the governance of the EU’s finances across topics and over time. The project will create a dataset on the finances of the EU which includes financial data and their controls on a yearly basis. It will also perform a quantitative text analysis on the demand for EU fiscal competence and its controls. Comparative case studies will probe into causal mechanisms of EU competence-control tradeoffs at critical junctures.
After decades of liberalisation and retreat of the state, current crisis responses show a great role of the expenditure state. At the national level, COVID-19 has been fought with massive market intervention, procurement of medical equipment, and large-scale short-term working schemes. The EU has also increased its financial powers with the Recovery Fund and Next Generation EU. These new funds, with other EU off-budget funds and the regular budget, make up the EU's financial resources. Understanding if and how these resources are used is relevant as (re)distribution has increased and is here to stay. With this aim, this project focuses on the process that lies between negotiating resources in Brussels and their decentralised implementation in member states. How does the EU spend its money?
The three aims of the project are to capture and assess how EU money is spent, explain spending processes and outcomes with competence-control (cc) arrangements, and theorise the effects of spending on the EU political system. Empirically, the project offers an analysis of social and industrial policies over four decades (1987-2027). Methodologically, it builds the first database on spending policy with indicators on the gap between allocation and disbursement (volume and targets) and institutional features of spending governance. It combines a quantitative analysis of spending patterns with an in-depth analysis of 16 cases, systematically selected to vary between social and industrial policy, over time, and in institutional features of spending governance. The results are expected to provide a comparative empirical and theoretical account of EU spending as a distinct phase between intergovernmental budget negotiations and decentralised implementation that highlights the role of control and its effect on the reconfiguration of the EU system when moving beyond the regulatory state (Majone 1993) towards an expenditure state (Genschel and Jachtenfuchs 2014).
The core interest of this project is to analyse why, how, and to which effect the EU relies on “joint implementation”, i.e., the physical involvement of supranational alongside national resources in the monitoring and enforcement of EU policies on the ground.
The “polycrisis” has repeatedly highlighted the implementation deficits in the EU multilevel system. In reaction, the EU has increasingly relied on the “joint implementation” model. A notable example is the creation of the European Border and Coast Guard (Frontex) and the European Union Asylum Agency (EUAA) to support the practical implementation of the Schengen and Dublin acquis in the member states. Other examples concern the European Securities and Markets Authority (ESMA) or the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO).
Joint implementation formulates a novel response to the dilemma between competence and control in multilevel systems. At the same time, joint implementation is not a panacea. When dissatisfied principals seek to enhance their autonomous competence or control while being enmeshed in a compulsory system of joint implementation, the model produces inefficiencies. While control-driven actors can block joint implementation, which leads to ineffective or non-implementation, competence-driven actors can shirk their collective responsibilities and engage in uncoordinated action, leading to responsibility-shifting or obstruction.
To understand the emergence, institutionalisation, and evolution of the EU’s recourse to joint implementation, the project envisions a mixed methods design. It combines, first, the collection of supply-side quantitative data on the emergence and size of EU-level resources for joint implementation with, second, natural language processing (NLP) methods to trace the demand for EU-level implementation among political elites, and third, qualitative case studies of multilevel implementation in three domains in which pressures for vertical cooperation occurred in the past years, namely immigration, law enforcement, and labour mobility.
Member state governments exercise considerable control over the delegation of competence to the European Union (EU). In addition, the EU relies on member state administrations to implement its policies. This gives Member States (MS) further leeway in interpreting and implementing EU competences. However, MS cannot simply ignore their obligations under European law. Through infringement proceedings before the European Court of Justice (ECJ) or through national courts and possible preliminary ruling proceedings, actors can sue for compliance with European law obligations. The project examines this judicial control of Member States' implementation of EU law using the example of case studies on three policies of the internal market (social security coordination, railroad policy and services directive) in Germany and France as well as selected other MS. It asks when actors activate judicial control and what difference this makes with respect to the implementation and enforcement of EU law, but also for the design of EU law obligations (‘competence’) themselves.
Case law, which arises through judgments, specifies existing law and also changes it. Control thus has an effect on the shaping of competence. This is particularly true whenever empty compromises have only apparently resolved conflicts in the legislative process. De facto, their clarification is then delegated to courts, which must find an interpretation in case of dispute. A similar situation arises when laws are not reformed despite changed conditions, but their adaptation is implicitly entrusted to administrations and courts.
This subproject analyzes the development towards an integration characterized by control, being the focus of the Research Unit (RU), with regard to the interaction of judicial control and the definition of competence.
The project examines the role of courts in the EU. It focuses on the often neglected impact of cross-level judicial control on the horizontal separation of powers, i.e. the balance of competences between the legislative, executive and judicial branches. While one of the core tasks of the judiciary is to keep checks and balances within a constitutional system, the particularity of the development to be explored lies in the cross-level interplay between competence and control: national courts claim stronger control over the exercise of competence at the European level in order to contain a feared loss of competence at the national level, but also to re-balance the horizontal distribution of power at EU level. If a national court, such as the German Federal Constitutional Court, claims to review whether an EU institution has exceeded its competences, it may at the same time demand a re-balancing of competences between the EU institutions, for example, the reduction of the independence of the European Central Bank. Conversely, the ECJ increasingly monitors the exercise of competences at the national level and sometimes directly addresses the structure of national institutions. If the ECJ enforces the judicial independence of national courts as a response to national rule-of-law crises, it essentially demands a re-balancing of competences at the national level.
The project has three main thrusts. First, it aims to produce the first comprehensive study of comparative constitutional law on how national constitutional and supreme courts exert a controlling influence on the horizontal power-sharing at EU level. Secondly, it will produce the first in-depth legal study of whether and to what extent the ECJ may influence the domestic structure of powers, including the legislative and executive branches. Thirdly, the project will examine from an overall perspective whether there are regulative principles that apply to cross-level and value-based judicial control, whereby for the first time the principle of equality of member states will be the focus of an in-depth study.
The integration crises of the past decade have put the configuration and governance of the external borders of the European Union (EU) in the political and scientific focus. In this project, we examine the development of the external border regime of the EU from the vantage point of competence-control-theory. In any political system, the definition and control of external border are a central aspect of political development. In the multi-level-system of the EU, border governance is particularly complex, because the EU's external
borders are state borders at the same time, the regulation of these borders is divided and contested between the EU and its members, and the external boundaries of the EU vary between policy areas (e.g., the internal market, the Schengen area, and the Eurozone). Trade-offs occur regularly between the requirements of an effective and efficient EU boundary governance (through common rules and resources), on the one hand, and the member states' quest for sovereign border control, on the other. In three work packages, the
project pursues the question how and under which conditions this trade-off has shaped the integration of the EU's external borders. The first module is about theory building. Starting from competence-control theory, it develops assumptions and hypotheses about the
integration of the EU's external borders and the conditions under which the boundary configuration shifts in the direction of "competence" or "control". The second module describes and analyses the development of the external boundary governance regime for the years 1987 (Single European Act) to 2025, measuring the annual distribution of authority and resources for every geographical and functional external boundary. Module 3 is a comparative case study analysis that explains the change in boundary configuration in four recent EU crises: the migration crisis, Brexit, the Covid-19 pandemic, and the Russian war on Ukraine.
Apart from facilitating the work of the group as a whole by organising meetings, interactions and external communication, the coordination project has two substantive tasks.
The first is to support the work on a competence-control theory of European integration. Work on theory-building will happen in close collaboration with the substantive projects in order to account for empirical trends and variance. For instance, if the group finds systematic differences in the competence-control tradeoffs between rules and resources, why is this the case? What explains potential differences between the competence-control tradeoffs in policy-making and in implementation? What explains the patterns of competence-control tradeoffs at a given point in time or their evolution over time into a competence-oriented, control-oriented or balanced pattern?
The second is to coordinate and orchestrate the creation of a dataset on the EU’s resources which draws on the results of the projects by Freudlsperger, Genschel, Hartlapp, Jachtenfuchs and Schimmelfennig. In order to create a theoretically meaningful, empirically interesting and truly common dataset for the wider scientific community, a substantial and sustained effort for standardizing data collection is necessary. The project will also work on a common theoretical understanding of the type of resources included into the dataset.
Our Team
Speaker
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Markus Jachtenfuchs - Professor of European and Global Governance, Hertie School
Markus Jachtenfuchs is Professor of European and Global Governance at the Hertie School and the speaker of the Research Unit. He leads the project on Competence, control and the reconfiguration of the EU’s finances as well as the coordination project. He is a generalist with a strong interest in theory and a substantive interest in resources and core state powers. He also has a long-standing interest in working with lawyers. Previously, he was Co-Director of the Jacques Delors Centre and Pierre Keller Visiting Professor of Public Policy at Harvard Kennedy School and the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs. He has a Ph.D from the European University Institute. For more information, see his website.
Deputy speaker
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Miriam Hartlapp - Professor for Comparative Politics, Free University of Berlin
Miriam Hartlapp is Professor for Comparative Politics at the Freie Universität Berlin (FUB) and the co-speaker of the Research Unit. She also leads the project on “Reconfiguring EU through Spending”. Her research and teaching focus on European integration and comparative politics, in particular questions of power, polarization and conflict in the EU Multilevel System, the intersection of EU economic and social integration, as well as representation in political institutions. She has a strong track record of mixed methods and medium-N empirical research. Before joining FUB she worked at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies/Cologne, the WZB Social Science Center/Berlin and held chairs at Leipzig and Bremen university. For more information, see here.
Principal Investigators
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Ana Bobić - Référendaire at the Court of Justice of the European Union in the cabinet of Advocate General Ćapeta
Until 2021, Ana was a Postdoctoral Researcher at the LEVIATHAN Project and still is an Adjunct Faculty at the Hertie School, working on questions of legal accountability in EU economic governance, with a specific focus on the position of the individual in the Economic and Monetary Union. She obtained her DPhil at the University of Oxford as a Law Faculty Graduate Assistance Fund scholar in 2018, where she was also lecturer in EU, Constitutional, and Administrative Law at Keble College and Worcester College. Ana's research interests include EU constitutional law and theory, as well as judicial interactions in the EU, in particular the dialogues and conflicts between the CJEU and national constitutional courts.
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Mark Dawson - Professor of European Law and Governance, Hertie School
Mark Dawson research focuses on EU law and particularly on how EU law affects and is affected by European politics and policymaking. Dawson was previously an Assistant Professor at Maastricht University and holds a PhD from the European University Institute. Dawson is currently the co-editor of the series Cambridge Studies in European Law and Policy. From 2017-2022, he supervised a group of early-career scholars as part of an ERC project exploring the legal and political accountability structure of EU economic governance. His project within the research unit focuses on populist political mobilisation and its impact on EU law.
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Christian Freudlsperger - Assistant Professor of Multilevel Politics and a member of the Center for Comparative and International Studies, ETH Zurich
Christian Freudlsperger is an affiliate research fellow at the Jacques Delors Centre. His research interests lie at the intersection of European integration, comparative federalism, and political development. As part of the research unit, he will investigate the emergence and evolution of joint implementation in the EU multilevel administrative system. He is also the principal investigator of the SNSF Starting Grant project "Public Reinsurance in Multilevel Polities (EUROPE RE)." For more information, see his website.
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Philipp Genschel - Professor of Public Policy, University of Bremen
Philipp Genschels research interests focus on the European integration of core state powers, the political economy of taxation, and theories of indirect governance including the principal-agent and the competence-control frameworks. Previously, he held the Joint Chair of European Public Policy at the European University Institute in Florence. He was a professor of political science at Jacobs University Bremen, and a Visiting Professor at the Department of Government, Harvard University.
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Frank Schimmelfennig - Professor of European Politics and a member of the Center for Comparative and International Studies, ETH Zurich
Frank Schimmelfennig is Professor of European Politics and a member of the Center for Comparative and International Studies at ETH Zurich. He is also a member of the Research Council of the Swiss National Science Foundation, an Associate of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute, and Chairman of the Scientific Board of Institut für Europäische Politik Berlin. In 2021, he won an ERC Advanced Grant for a project on “Bordering Europe: Boundary Formation in European Integration” (EUROBORD). For more information, see his website.
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Susanne K. Schmidt - Professor of Policy Field Analysis, University of Bremen
Susanne K. Schmidt joined the University of Bremen as professor of political science in 2006. Earlier, she worked at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of societies. She was Dean of the Graduate School BIGSSS (2009-2012), is Dean of the Faculty of Social Science since 2019. Her monograph The European Court of Justice and the Policy Process, was published with Oxford University Press in 2018. Her articles have appeared in Journal of Public Policy, Journal of European Public Policy, West European Politics, European Union Politics, Journal of Common Market Studies, and other journals. For more information, see her website.
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Mattias Wendel - Professor of Public Law, EU Law, International Law, Migration Law and Comparative Law, Leipzig University
Prof. Dr. Mattias Wendel, Maîtr. en droit (Paris 1) is full professor of Public Law, EU Law, International Law, Migration Law and Comparative Law at Leipzig University. He received his doctorate as well as his habilitation at Humboldt-University Berlin and is author of several books, articles and contributions in the field of EU law, public law and comparative law. Mattias Wendel is a member of the editorial board of the European Constitutional Law Review and the Cahiers de droit européen. He is also liaison professor of the German Academic Scholarship Foundation.
Open Positions
Jobs
Competence, control, and joint procurement in the EU (Philipp Genschel, Bremen)
The position is fixed term for four years and part of the project: “Competence, control and joint procurement in the EU”, deadline 1 October: https://www.uni-bremen.de/universitaet/die-uni-als-arbeitgeber/offene-stellen/job/3482?cHash=1243639fa4e3ab6f94f9d7322a71c041
Courts as Governors in the Internal Market? – the interaction between judicial control and competence (Susanne K. Schmidt, Bremen)
The position is fixed term for four years and part of the project: “Courts as Governors in the Internal Market? – the interaction between judicial control and competence”, deadline 1 October: https://www.uni-bremen.de/universitaet/die-uni-als-arbeitgeber/offene-stellen/job/3480?cHash=95e5405bbebc1566d4101af131fd1f4d
The Reconfiguration of the EU through Spending Policy (Miriam Hartlapp, Berlin)
Freie Universität Berlin is looking for two research assistants (doctoral candidates) for the DFG-funded sub-project "The Reconfiguration of the EU through Spending Policy (ReSpend)", deadline 23 September: PS-Prae-Doc ReSpend-E • Beruf & Karriere • Freie Universität Berlin (fu-berlin.de)
The Reconfiguration of the EU through Spending Policy (Miriam Hartlapp, Berlin)
Freie Universität Berlin is looking for a student assistant for the DFG-funded sub-project "The Reconfiguration of the EU through Spending Policy (ReSpend)", deadline 16 September: PS-SHK ReSpend • Beruf & Karriere • Freie Universität Berlin (fu-berlin.de)
2 Doctoral Researchers – European Union Law & Politics (Mark Dawson, Berlin)
The position is part of a Research Group on “Reconfiguring Europe. Between Competence and Control”, deadline 30 September: Doctoral Researchers - European Union Law & Politics (gn) part-time (30 hours/week) (dvinci-easy.com)
Postdoctoral Researcher – European Union Politics (Markus Jachtenfuchs, Berlin)
The position is part of a Research Group on “Reconfiguring Europe. Between Competence and Control”, deadline 30 September: Postdoctoral Researcher - European Union Politics (gn) full-time (40 hours/week) (dvinci-easy.com)
Postdoctoral Researcher – Finances of the European Union (Markus Jachtenfuchs, Berlin)
The position is part of a Research Group on “Reconfiguring Europe. Between Competence and Control”, deadline 30 September: Postdoctoral Researcher - Finances of the European Union (gn) full-time (40 hours/week) (dvinci-easy.com)